This report describes how a woman’s nation changes everything about
how we live and work today. Now for the first time in our nation’s
history, women are half of all U.S. workers and mothers are the primary
breadwinners or co-breadwinners in nearly two-thirds of American
families. This is a dramatic shift from just a generation ago (in 1967
women made up only one-third of all workers). It changes how women
spend their days and has a ripple effect that reverberates throughout
our nation. It fundamentally changes how we all work and live, not just
women but also their families, their co-workers, their bosses, their
faith institutions, and their communities.
Quite simply, women as half of all workers changes everything.
Recognizing the importance of women’s earnings to family well-being
is the key piece to understanding why we are in a transformational
moment. This social transformation is affecting nearly every aspect of
our lives—from how we work to how we play to how we care for one
another. Yet, we, as a nation, have not come to terms with what this
means. In this report, we break new ground by taking a hard look at how
women’s changing roles affect our major societal institutions, from
government and businesses to our faith communities. We outline how
these institutions rely on outdated models of who works and who cares
for our families. And we examine how our culture has responded to one
of the greatest social transformations of our time.
Our findings should not be surprising to working men and women.
Today, four-in-five families with children still at home are not the
traditional male breadwinner, female homemaker. And women are
increasingly becoming their family’s breadwinner or co-breadwinner (see
Figures 1 and 2). The deep economic downturn is amplifying and
accelerating this trend. Men have lost three-out-of-four jobs so far
since the Great Recession began in December 2007, leaving millions of
wives to bring home the bacon while their husbands search for work.
Women working outside the home, however, is not a short-term blip. This
is a long-term trend that shows no signs of reversing.
Although our report is titled “A Woman’s Nation Changes Everything,”
this is not just a woman’s story. This is a report about how women
becoming half of workers changes everything for men, women, and their
families. The Rockefeller/Time nationwide poll, conducted in
early September as the chapters of the report were being finalized,
finds that the battle of the sexes is over and is replaced by
negotiations between the sexes about work, family, household
responsibilities, child care, and elder care. Yet, while men generally
accept women working and making more money, men and women both express
concern about kids left behind. Whose job is it? Men and women agree
that government and business are out of touch with the realties of how
most families live and work today. Families need more flexible work
schedules, comprehensive child care policies, redesigned family and
medical leave, and equal pay. The aim of this report is to take this
conversation up to the national level, to engage men and women in
thinking about what this new reality means for our vision of ourselves,
our families, our communities, and the government, social, and
religious institutions around us.
In short, this report lays the groundwork for how our society can
better support the new American worker and the new American family.
The chapters in this report examine a host of ways in which our
lives have changed forever because women have entered the labor force
in ever greater numbers. The policy implications vary from issue to
issue, but the conclusions are clear: We need to rethink our
assumptions about families and about work and focus our policies—at all
levels—to address this new reality.
Clearly we aren’t going back to a time when women were available
full time to be their families’ unpaid caretakers, so we need to find
another way forward. This report builds on the decades of work on these
issues and aims to spark a national conversation and attract the
attention of policymakers and political leaders to focus on the
implications of this transformation for our society.
Maria Shriver opens our report with A Woman’s Nation.
Her chapter describes the unique ways the Shriver and CAP teams
approached this complex set of topics. She details how together we took
a “deep dive” into how our culture and our society are responding to
changes in women’s dual roles in the workforce and in the family.
Shriver takes a historical look at the transformation of the American
woman since her uncle, President John F. Kennedy, asked First Lady
Eleanor Roosevelt to chair the first Commission on the Status of Women
in 1961. Shriver connects this overarching social shift to the most
consistent roles of her life and of most women’s lives—the roles of
daughter and mother. As our country reshapes the face of its workforce,
Shriver reminds us that the struggles of the women before us opened the
doors for us to guide the next generation of young women through.
In her chapter, Shriver also describes the conversations she
conducted with everyday Americans around the nation, discovering that
men and women are indeed negotiating everything—from the daily struggle
over whether the husband or wife will drop off their child at school in
the morning to major life decisions about whether a family will
relocate to further one spouse’s career even if it hampers the other’s.
You’ll find quotes from these conversations highlighted between the
different chapters of this report—insights that bring to life the
equally telling analysis of how we work and live today. And alongside
our chapters is a collection of essays that Maria Shriver and her team
gathered from an intriguing array of women and men, among them Oprah
Winfrey, Billie Jean King, Suze Orman, Patricia Kempthorne, and Tammy
Duckworth; less famous but equally insightful individuals such as Col.
Maritza Sáenz Ryan, First Gentleman of Michigan Dan Mulhern and Accel
Partners’ Sukhinder Singh Cassidy; and everyday Americans at the
forefront of these monumental changes in our society like Gianna Le, a
young Vietnamese-American seeking to enter medical school this year.
This chapter captures these insights and matches them to the analysis
in the report to sharply define these personal experiences on the
larger canvas of our changing nation.
The New Breadwinners, by Heather Boushey,
Center for American Progress senior economist, explores the economic
underpinnings of the transformation of women’s work. This chapter homes
in on who’s gone to work, where women are working, why they are
working, how well they are coping, and what this means for the economic
well-being of women and their families. The chapter finds that while
women are now half of workers and mothers are breadwinners or
co-breadwinners in the majority of families, institutions have failed
to catch up to this reality. Women have made great strides and are now
more likely to be economically responsible for themselves and their
families, but there is a still a long way to go. Equality in the
workplace has not yet been achieved, even as families need women’s
equality now more than ever.
Family Friendly for All Families: Workers and caregivers need government policies that reflect today’s realities, by Ann O’Leary,
Center for American Progress senior fellow and executive director of
the Berkeley Center for Health, Economic & Family Security at the
University of California Berkeley School of Law, and Karen Kornbluh,
former visiting fellow at the Center for American Progress, explores
the implications of women in the workplace for government policy
affecting workers and caregivers. O’Leary and Kornbluh argue that we
need to reevaluate the values and assumptions underlying our nation’s
workplace policies and social insurance system to ensure that they
reflect the actual—not outdated or imagined—ways that families work and
care today.
Up until now, government policymakers largely focused on supporting
women’s entry into a male-oriented workforce on a par with men—a
workplace where policies on hours, pay, benefits, and leave time were
designed around male breadwinners who presumably had no family
caregiving responsibilities. But allowing women to play by the same
rules as a traditional male breadwinner worker is not enough. Too many
workers—especially women and low-wage workers—today simply cannot work
in the way traditional breadwinners once worked with a steady job and
lifelong marriage with a wife at home.
O’Leary and Kornbluh suggest that a fruitful way for government to
address this new economic and social reality would be to update our
basic labor standards to include family-friendly employee benefits and
reform our anti-discrimination laws so that employers cannot
disproportionately exclude women from workplace benefits. Their chapter
also argues that we need to modernize our social insurance system to
account for varied families and new family responsibilities, including
the need for paid family leave and social security retirement benefits
that take into account time spent out of the workforce caring for
children and other relatives. O’Leary and Kornbluh close with
suggestions for increasing support to families for child care, early
education, and elder care in order to help working parents cope with
their dual responsibilities.
Next is a reflective essay, Invisible Yet Essential: Immigrant women in America, by Maria Echaveste,
Center for American Progress senior fellow and senior distinguished
fellow at the Warren Institute at University of California Berkeley
School of Law. This chapter focuses in on how we often overlook the
crucial work—child and parental care, home maintenance, food
production, and cleaning—once done by the unpaid wives of male
breadwinners but which is now the work of immigrant women. These
hardworking immigrant women have helped make possible other women’s
mass entry into the workforce. Echaveste points out that our economy is
increasingly based on a growing service-sector industry, which in turn
challenges all of us to value the work of the millions of immigrant
women performing these services. Indeed, she concludes that the work
these women do will be necessary regardless of how high-tech our
economy becomes. They can no longer be ignored.
Sick and Tired: Working women and their health, by Jessica Arons,
director of the Women’s Health and Rights Program at the Center for
American Progress, and Northwestern University law professor Dorothy Roberts,
explores the implications of women working and earning the family
income on women’s health, as well as women’s access to employer-based
and private health insurance. They find that women’s breadwinning has
not always come with greater access to health benefits and, too often,
women’s health is compromised as they combine work and family
responsibilities. As more women work, the authors note that we are
developing a greater understanding of the health implications for women
and their families—everything from inequitable job conditions and
workplace health hazards to the timing of when women become mothers.
Further, they highlight how our current health insurance system,
centered as it is on employer-sponsored insurance, fails women in a
variety of ways.
Better Educating Our New Breadwinners: Creating opportunities for all women to succeed in the workforce, by professor and former dean of University of California Berkeley’s graduate division Mary Ann Mason,
explores the implications for our education system, focusing on
post-secondary education. She finds that women have made great advances
in educational attainment, yet there is still clear evidence that women
face barriers within our educational institutions. Further, even when
women receive the same degrees as men, they continue to face lower
wages and fewer high-paying job prospects due to inflexible and
unsupportive work environments.
Mason examines both sides of this gender coin. Women receive 52
percent of high school diplomas, 62 percent of associate’s degrees, 57
percent of bachelor’s degrees and 50 percent of doctoral degrees and
professional degrees. But three problems persist. First, not all women
have gained access to post-secondary education. Hispanic women, for
example, lag far behind their counterparts. Second, women remain
concentrated in the “helping” professions of health and education and
are falling behind in entering the higher-paying fields of the future,
including science, mathematics, engineering, and technology. Finally,
more women with family responsibilities are attending all levels of
post-secondary education, but they need family-friendly support to get
their degrees (just as all workers need businesses to respond to the
fact that our highly-educated workforce necessarily combines work and
care). Mason recommends that policymakers focus on these three problems
and offers some solutions to help them do so, including increasing
family-friendly environments in our educational institutions and
increasing compliance with Title IX with regard to science,
engineering, mathematics, and technology at all post-secondary levels.
Got Talent? It Isn’t Hard to Find: Recognizing and rewarding the value women create in the workplace, by Brad Harrington,
professor of organization studies and executive director of the Center
for Work & Family at the Carroll School of Management at Boston
College, and Jamie Ladge, assistant professor of management and
organizational development at Northeastern University, point out that
women make up half the talent that is available to corporate America
and small businesses. The authors argue that women’s outstanding
performance in educational institutions, especially in higher
educational and professional schools, demands that employers create
workplaces that attract, retain, develop, and exploit (in the best
sense of the word) this tremendous resource. They detail, however, that
the vast majority of employers need to let go of outdated models such
as thinking that there is only one place that work gets done, one way
to structure a workday, one model for the ideal career, and one
leadership style that works in today’s workplace.
Harrington and Ladge show that flexible work arrangements, flexible
career paths, and new leadership styles better meet the needs of
today’s diverse workforce as well as today’s flexible and fast-changing
economic environment. They argue these new work policies should not be
perks for only a chosen few. All workers need policies that meet the
changed realities of work and family, not just elite workers. In short,
the conversation is no longer about whether women will work,
but rather about how businesses are dealing with the fact that their
workforce is increasingly made up of women and most workers today—men
and women—share in at least some care responsibilities.
The Challenge of Faith: Bringing spiritual sustenance to busy lives, by Kimberly Morgan, associate professor of political science and international affairs at The George Washington University, and Sally Steenland,
senior policy advisor for the Faith and Progressive Policy project at
the Center for American Progress, explore the ongoing role of religion
and spirituality in women’s lives. They ask how traditional faith
communities and new organizational forms of spirituality have responded
to women’s increased employment outside the home. Their conclusion?
Women are struggling to find the time for religious involvement amid
the responsibilities of job and family, which in turn means religious
institutions need to adapt to these new realities—especially as the
support and services that organized religion provides become more
important than ever.
Morgan and Steenland note that some congregations have actively
engaged with today’s new realities, providing increased services that
address the challenges for families that no longer have an adult who
remains outside the labor force. Yet others have not, and in many cases
while women have entered boardrooms and are leading companies, faith
institutions have been slow to incorporate women into their leadership.
Morgan and Steenland suggest several ways for faith and spiritual
communities to better engage with today’s busy women.
University of Michigan communications professor Susan Douglas then shows us in Where Have You Gone, Roseanne Barr?
how the media that we’re surrounded by every day have in some ways
overshot reality and in many ways not caught up on the way women work
and live in our society today. The mainstream media outlets often
suggest that women have “made it,” portraying women as successful
executives at the top of every profession, yet in real life there are
far too few women among the highest ranks of the professions, and
millions of everyday women struggle to make ends meet and to juggle
work and family. Douglas suggests women need to challenge these
misleading portraits with facts, vigor, and humor.
Douglas’s provocative chapter is accompanied by an essay titled Sexy Socialization: Today’s media and the next generation of women, by Stacy L. Smith,
a fellow at the Center for Communication Leadership and Policy at the
Annenberg School of Communications, and two of her colleagues, Cynthia Kennard, a senior fellow at the Center, and Amy D. Granados,
a policy analyst at Annenberg. The three authors highlight what today’s
8-to-19-year-olds are taking in about the role of men and women in the
workplace and society through the lens of various media, focusing on
how troubling male and female sexual stereotypes could affect the life
and career choices of our next generation. The authors express concern
about the future of women breadwinners in the coming decades because of
these stereotypes, but hold out hope that the media industry itself
will change as more women rise within its ranks or launch new media
outlets on their own.
Our report then shifts focus to a series of chapters and essays that
we hope will get people talking about all of our analytical research.
In Has a Man’s World Become a Woman’s Nation?,Michael Kimmel,
sociology professor at the State University of New York, Stonybrook,
surveys the varied responses that men have had to women’s entry into
the workforce and to losing the title of sole breadwinner. He finds
that most men have chosen the path toward acceptance of greater gender
equality and often relish the extra earnings women bring into the
family—but that some groups of men continue to struggle with the idea
of widespread employment of women and mothers as it has made them
question their very notion of masculinity.
Above all, though, Kimmel finds that while both men and women want
the kind of support that makes it possible to have a dual-earner,
dual-caregiver family, these issues are more often misperceived as only
“women’s issues” in Washington and statehouses around the nation. Men
need family-friendly policies so that they can have the sorts of family
relationships they say they want to have, as well as careers that
enable them to work and live better in our changing 21st-century
economy. Kimmel closes his chapter with a call for men to rally behind
efforts to make it better for women and men together to work and live
in our changing economy and society, not rely on women alone to do so.
Next, we learn that negotiating around the kitchen table can be good for your marriage. In her reflective essay, Sharing the Load , Evergreen State College sociologist Stephanie Coontz
provides evidence that the most stable, high-quality marriages are
those where men and women share both paid work and domestic work. This
is a shift from generations ago when the most stable marriages were
those where husbands specialized in paid work and wives did all the
domestic work.
In this section we also include two concluding reflective essays, one by senior correspondent for The American ProspectCourtney E. Martin and the other by political strategist and media consultant Jamal Simmons.
They explore what it all means for today’s generations of women and men
who grew up in a world that was less likely to question the
desirability of the equality of women but understands that does not yet
mean true equality.
Simmons focuses on how the woman you commit to today may have the
same name and social security number as the woman you are with
tomorrow, but she may want completely different things in her life at
different times throughout your lives together. For him, the rules seem
to be maddeningly flexible. Martin notes that the women (and men) of
her generation have come of age at a time when feminist values are
simply in the water. But she argues that we need comprehensive policy
reform that reflects an accurate picture of the workers and families as
we really are, not as we imagine ourselves to be. She closes by saying
that “It’s a good thing we’ve been so pumped up on post-gender
idealism, because there are some big battles ahead.”
To gauge just how representative these conversations and
observations are of actual conditions in American homes and workplaces,
we close the report with a hot-off-the-press landmark nationwide poll.
This Rockefeller/Time poll of 3,413 people nationwide takes a
broad and deep look at what men and women think of their changing roles
in society and their attitudes toward each other as spouses, parents,
bosses, and co-workers. Center for American Progress fellows John Halpin and Ruy Texiera, Kelly Daley with global research company Abt SRBI Inc., and former Los Angeles Times pollster Susan Pinkus conducted, analyzed, and then concisely summarized the poll findings for us in their chapter Battle of the Sexes Gives Way to Negotiations.
The poll results reveal a truce in the battle of the sexes,
demonstrating that men and women are in agreement on many of the
day-to-day work and family issues. The old line in the sand separating
them has largely washed away. Indeed, both men and women agree that
women’s movement into employment is good for the country. Virtually all
married couples see negotiating about the rules of relationships, work,
and family as key making things work at home and at work. The authors
conclude that the one clear message emerging from this poll is that the
lives of Americans have changed significantly in recent years, yet the
parameters of their jobs have yet to change to meet new demands. They
find that political and business leaders who fail to take steps to
address the needs of modern families risk losing good workers and the
support of men and women who are riding the crest of major social
change in America with little or no support.
Rather than pining for family structures of an earlier generation,
the authors report that the poll found that men and women agree that
government and businesses have failed to adapt to the needs of modern
families. Americans across the board desire more flexibility in work
schedules, paid family leave, and increased child care support. Given
the ongoing difficulties many people face in balancing work and family
life, it is not surprising that large numbers of Americans—men and
women alike—view the decline in the percentage of children growing up
in a family with a stay-at-home parent as a negative development for
society. Yet, ever practical and pragmatic, this poll demonstrates that
Americans understand that everything has changed in their work and
lives today and that consequently they are working things out as best
they can while looking to their government and their employers to catch
up.
The academic research, anecdotal evidence, personal reflections, and
poll results that make up this unique report all confirm that
recognizing women now constitute half of the workers in the United
States is only the first step. The second is identifying what we need
to do to reshape the institutions around us. We can then begin to take
the necessary actions to readjust our policies and practices. When you
finish reading our report, we’re confident you’ll agree that more than
four decades after President Kennedy’s Commission on the Status of
Women, we’ve learned that while there’s much to cheer about, we still
have a long way to go. We as a people must transform the way our
government, our businesses, our faith-based institutions, and our media
deal with the realities of a woman’s nation so that all of us can
better cope with the transformation of how we work and live. The
ultimate goal is a more prosperous future for all women and men in a
nation that recognizes the unique value of each of us to contribute to
the common good at work and at home. We believe that we can get there
together, and that this report takes an important step along that path.
Earlier this year, the Center for American Progress decided to
closely examine the consequences of what we thought was a major tipping
point in our nation’s social and economic history: the emergence of
working women as primary breadwinners for millions of families at the
same time that their presence on America’s payrolls grew to comprise
fully half the nation’s workforce. In addition, we were watching the
Great Recession amplify and accelerate these trends. We are in the
midst of a fundamental transformation of the way America works and
lives.
But my own interest wasn’t just academic. It sprang from a very
personal source: my mother. My family wasn’t much like what we were
watching on TV in the 1950s. My parents had a tag-team work life—my
father working in a factory during the day; my mother in a pink-collar
job from 5 p.m. until midnight. Like millions of families today, they
juggled, struggled, nurtured, laughed a lot, and fought a little so
that their kids could lead good lives and get ahead. I don’t think my
mother ever really thought of herself as a trendsetter, but she was at
the leading edge of a wave that shaped America in the last half of the
20th century—a wave we call “a woman’s nation.” Though she recently
passed away, she still serves as a role model for my daughters.
So I was delighted when Maria Shriver, who cleverly conceived of the
phrase “a woman’s nation,” came to me with the idea of combining a
project she envisioned with CAP’s work and together producing a
landmark examination of this fundamental change in American society. We
realized that Maria could add invaluable depth to the efforts underway
because she recognized not only the enormous impact of these changes on
the workplace, but their import for every aspect of the American life
and culture, as well. A partnership was born, and it produced a
document that goes far beyond the typical findings of your standard
economic policy report.
This report brings together the relentless intellect of a Peabody
and Emmy Award-winning journalist who pushes beyond statistics to fully
reveal the complexity of women’s lives and the academic muscle of a
progressive think tank that understands how to comb through data and
illuminate the trends re-shaping the American landscape.
In the summer of 2009, Maria packed her bags and crisscrossed the
country and, with her team, engaged in conversations with everyday
women and men in Atlanta, Detroit, Los Angeles, Seattle, and Silicon
Valley, hearing and understanding from both sexes how this cultural
upheaval has changed their lives. Maria used the diverse voices she
heard to stitch together the work CAP was doing.
CAP’s contribution—led by senior economist Heather Boushey, the
leading authority on the study of working families and the U.S. labor
market, and Ann O’Leary, a CAP senior fellow and executive director of
the Berkeley Center for Health, Economic & Family Security—shines a
light on America’s defining institutions. We examined government and
businesses; faith, culture, and media; and our health care and
educational institutions, and then we considered meaningful ways they
can adapt to this sea change in Americans’ lives.
And the Rockefeller Foundation, which generously funded a nationwide
poll in collaboration with Time magazine, conducted a comprehensive
examination of American attitudes about the role of women in today’s
world.
The result is an exhaustive, multifaceted report. CAP’s economic
team commissioned work from a variety of scholars and experts. Maria
inspired and assembled a collection of diverse, incisive, and
illuminating essays and brought to us her conversations with dozens of
Americans around the country. And then there is the landmark national
poll that closes the report. Together, we’ve created a provocative
study that we expect will spur a national conversation about what
women’s emerging economic power means for our way of life.
When we look back over the 20th century and try to understand what’s
happened to workers and their families and the challenges they now
face, the movement of women out of the home and into paid employment
stands out as a unique and powerful transformation. Unlike the America
our parents still remember and even helped to build, today:
Moms aren’t home all day caring for younger children,
waiting for the cable guy or to pick up the kids from school, yet
quality child care and flexible hours at work are in short supply.
Workplaces
are no longer the domain of men. The last remnants of those days can
scarcely be found at all, save on episodes of “Mad Men” or on “Leave it
to Beaver” reruns. Women now comprise half the workers on employers’
payrolls. And while men and women still tend to work in different kinds
of jobs, most workers under 40 have never known a workplace without
women bosses and women colleagues.
Schools still let kids
out in the afternoon, long before the workday ends, and they shut their
doors for three months during the summer, even though the majority of
families with children are supported by a single working parent or a
dual-earning couple.
Most workers—men and women—now have
family responsibilities they negotiate daily with their spouses, family
members, bosses, colleagues, and employees. But it is still a rare
doctor’s office that is open evenings or weekends, even though so many
people work at all hours in our 24/7 economy.
Women becoming primary breadwinners or co-breadwinners changed
everything. But, even though we were all witness to this phenomenon’s
slow emergence over many years, these changes seem somehow to have
snuck up on us. As a result, our policy landscape remains stuck in an
idealized past, where the typical family was composed of a
married-for-life couple with a full-time breadwinner and full-time
homemaker who raised the children herself.
Government policies and laws continue to rely on an outdated model
of the American family. And, despite the existence of innovative
practices in corporate America, most employers fail to acknowledge or
accommodate the daily juggling act their workers perform, they are
oblivious to the fact that their employees are now more likely to be
women, and they ignore the fact that men now share in domestic duties.
Slow, too, have been our institutions of faith in recognizing this
transformation of male-female dynamics at a time when increasingly
urgent lives make spiritual support more needed—and, perhaps, less
available—than ever before.
And the media present flawed images of the real challenges women
face, embracing glamour, power, and sex while ignoring the daily
struggle to raise children and pay bills.
At one level, everything has changed. And yet so much more change is
needed. This report contemplates what a new America should look like
after we finally embrace this important new dynamic in our lives and
the changes it has caused in our homes and businesses.
At CAP, our work builds upon the progressive ideals of leaders who
brought needed change to our national life, people such as Theodore and
Franklin Roosevelt, Jane Addams, and Martin Luther King. We draw from
the great social movements of the 20th century, from labor rights and
worker safety to civil rights and women’s suffrage.
“A Woman’s Nation Changes Everything” is work in the best tradition
of those ideals. It flips a switch in our culture, sparking a
collective acknowledgement of the interdependence of men and women
today. With that switch we hope will come changes in the collective
mindset of our government, business, faith institutions, our culture,
media, and most importantly, men and women. Embracing these new
dynamics and sparking new conversations is what “A Woman’s Nation
Changes Everything” is all about.
But this report is only the beginning of that conversation. In the
months and years to come, we at the Center for American Progress hope
you will join us in our efforts to transform our ideas into actual
policies that make the world around us work better for families—as they
really are. We hope you enjoy this report and that you’ll join us on
the road ahead.
I sit down to begin writing this not too long after my mother died.
I held her hand as she took her last breath and left this world. She
was my hero, my best friend. I spoke to her every day of my life—and
the truth is, I can’t imagine my life without her. And so I sit here
now, trying to write this opening to a report on the American woman
that bears her last name and my own. I find it hard to concentrate,
hard to gather my thoughts. For a moment, I consider not writing it.
But I close my eyes and hear her telling me, as she always did, “You
can do it, Maria! Get going! Get moving!”
My role model, like most daughters, was my mother. She was my first
image and idea of what it meant to be a woman. It didn’t matter to me
that she wasn’t like the other mothers. She wore men’s pants, smoked
cigars, and worked outside the home. She was my mother, and she was
fearless. She raised me exactly the way she raised my four brothers: to
believe I could do anything. She sent me right in there to play tackle
football with the boys. She said, “Maria, this may be a man’s world,
but you can and will succeed in it.” I admit I wasn’t exactly sure what
that meant the first time I heard it. After all, I was only in the
second grade. But I didn’t question her. You didn’t say no to Eunice
Kennedy Shriver.
My mother was indeed a trailblazer for American women. She was scary
smart and not afraid to show it. With all her energy and ingenuity, she
didn’t buy into the propaganda of her day that women had to be soft and
submissive and take a back seat. That took courage back then, because
she grew up in a family that expected a lot from the boys and very
little from the girls. Women stayed behind the scenes in supporting
roles. Not my mother.
She was tough, but also compassionate. She was intimidating, but
also approachable. Driven and also fun. Restless and patient—and
curious and prayerful. My mother understood power and wanted it, then
wielded it to help those who had none.
And while she liked to hang with the boys, all her heroes were
women—first and foremost, her own mother, and the millions of other
mothers of kids with intellectual disabilities. She introduced me to
other role models who changed the world: Dorothy Day, Mother Teresa,
Claire Booth Luce. She told me their stories, because she wanted me to
appreciate the gift and the power of women to change the language, the
tempo, and the character of the world.
And she was right. Cut to 2008. No one was cheering louder than my
mother during an election campaign that was all about change. At last,
during the same presidential campaign season, we saw one woman run for
president and another for vice president. As for me, I watched the
change unfold from a unique vantage point, as first lady of the biggest
state in the union—home to more than 18 million women—and head of The
Women’s Conference, an annual conference for and about women held in
California.
My goal has been to make The Women’s Conference a nonpartisan
meeting place where women could come together and share experience,
information, and motivation with one another. Participants come from
all walks of life—from foster-care graduates to heads of Fortune 500
companies, from stay-at-home moms and retired grandmothers to college
students and small-business owners. Every age, every ethnic group,
every economic circumstance. They come to be inspired by speakers from
all over the world, who share their wisdom and strategies on finances,
spirituality, health, political power, relationships, how to overcome
obstacles, how to navigate every area of human life.
In the past few years, The Women’s Conference has exploded in size
and impact. It has developed programs beyond its walls, granting
scholarships to needy girls, investing in micro-lending to women,
connecting poor women to services that can improve their lives, and
working to end emotional, physical, and sexual violence against women.
We’re now hosting about 25,000 attendees, and thousands more can
participate online.
When the 2008 Conference sold out in just a couple of hours, it hit
me that something profound was going on with women. We’d program a
workshop on caring for aging parents, and it was standing-room-only.
We’d bring in speakers to talk about how to start up a business, and
the rooms were packed. We couldn’t book enough sessions on empowerment,
activism, and spirituality. All of them were filled, and people were
asking for more.
I wondered what was going on. I talked to the women, and they filled
out our questionnaires. I learned women are hungry for something that’s
missing in their lives—a place to connect. They say they feel
increasingly isolated, invisible, stressed, and misunderstood. They say
the news media, where I’d worked for 30 years, don’t accurately reflect
their lives anymore. They say women on TV shows and in the movies
certainly don’t either. They can’t believe how out-of-touch government
is with who women are today and what they need to survive. They can’t
understand how slow business has been in figuring out how to retain,
support, and promote women. They lament that many faith institutions
want women to be volunteers, but won’t give them a seat at the table,
let alone a place at the altar. They’re terrified how quickly their
family finances could be wiped out by a child’s catastrophic illness or
a parent’s Alzheimer’s. And they’re exasperated that pundits and
pollsters continue to jam women into convenient boxes with labels like
“soccer moms” or “security moms.”
Of course, women are as diverse as men. They are successful
businesswomen, single mothers living below the poverty line, college
graduates making their own way, blue-collar wives in two-career
families, gay mothers, foster mothers, childless women who’ve been laid
off, women setting up Internet businesses from home, soldiers in combat
units overseas. They don’t dress the same way or vote the same way or
have the same color skin. They don’t speak with one voice. And they
don’t have one issue.
We decided we needed to learn some new, hard facts about today’s
American woman. Who is she? How does she live? What does she think?
What does she earn? What are her politics? How does she define power?
How does she define success? What does she think of marriage? What does
she really think of men? How does she want to live her life moving
forward?
We went to the Center for American Progress, where the president and
chief executive, former Clinton presidential chief of staff and author
John Podesta, told us CAP was right in the midst of studying the impact
of the changing economy on women. In fact, CAP’s chief economist,
Heather Boushey, who is an expert on women and workforce issues, told
us that women were right on the cusp of a huge change. Women were about
to break through and account for fully half of all American payrolls
for the first time. Bingo!
We told CAP that we wanted to study how women’s changing roles were
impacting not only the economy but also all the other areas of American
culture that our conference participants had pointed out to us. And we
especially wanted to know what men thought about it all. CAP said,
“We’re in!”
This report builds on the extraordinary work of so many women’s
groups who have gone before us, and the more than 200 state, county,
and local women’s commissions that day in and day out investigate and
monitor the status of women and work diligently to promote equality.
Their work and the groundbreaking reports of the Institute of Women’s
Policy Research have played critical roles in examining the status of
the American woman.
Our report breaks new ground by taking a hard look at how women’s
changing roles are also affecting our major societal institutions: our
government, businesses, religious and faith institutions, educational
system, the media, and even men and marriage. And we examine how all
these parts of the culture have responded to one of the greatest social
transformations of our time. We look at where we are and where we
should go from here.
It was back in 1961, when my uncle, President John F. Kennedy, asked
former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt to chair the very first Commission
on the Status of Women. According to anthropologist Margaret Mead, who
co-edited the final report, the goal was “a review of the progress that
has been made in giving American women practical equality with men
educationally, economically, and politically.”
The Commission’s 1963 report, American Women, said that the role for
women “most generally approved by counselors, parents, and friends [is]
the making of a home, the rearing of children, and the transmission to
them in their earliest years of the values of the American heritage.”
Back then, only 10 percent of families were headed by unmarried
women—and in families where both parents worked, less than a fifth of
the wives earned as much or more than their husbands. In fact, most
women’s jobs were in what the report called “low-paid categories” such
as clerical work. And the Commission also found a “widening gap
[between] the educational and career expectations for boys and for
girls.” The gap in political participation was wide, too. There were
only two women senators and 11 congresswomen, and just two women had
ever held cabinet posts.
Among the Commission’s policy recommendations: equal pay for equal
work, access to child care and paid maternity leave, and enhanced
educational opportunities for women. Mead signaled in the final report,
“The climate of opinion is turning against the idea that homemaking is
the only form of feminine achievement.”
Indeed it was. The report was published within months of Betty
Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, the opening salvo of the Women’s Lib
movement, which promoted the idea that women’s true fulfillment could
come only outside the home with “liberation” from wifely and motherly
duties. With that, the pendulum of opinion seemed to swing all the way
in the other direction. You could understand why women got whiplash.
All of a sudden, so many women became activists, taking to the
streets and the halls of power. Many of these women risked their
reputations, their security, their jobs—sometimes even their lives and
marriages—to knock down walls of inequality. They got many outdated
work laws changed and new anti-discrimination laws put in place. Their
work and their courage created opportunity for many women, enabling
more women to go to college and professional schools, more women to
play sports, more women to get on career tracks. Today we stand on
their shoulders. Their work freed so many of us to dream new dreams and
fulfill them. And with the simultaneous sexual revolution, the advent
of the pill, and the Roe v. Wade decision, many women postponed or even
said no to marriage or children. Women were moving up the ladder in
just about every area of endeavor.
Fast forward to 2009. For the first time in our nation’s history,
fully half of U.S. workers are female—and mothers have become the
primary breadwinners in 4 in 10 American families. That’s a sea change
from 40 years ago. What had been a slow and steady shift has been
accelerating during the current recession, when more than
three-quarters of the jobs lost have been men’s jobs, especially in
areas such as construction and manufacturing.
With more and more men forced to stay home, more and more women are
bringing home the bacon. Women are more likely than ever to head their
own families. They’re doing it all—and many of them have to do it all.
When they work, it’s no longer just for “the little extras.” Their
income puts food on the table and a roof over their heads, just like
men’s income always did. In fact, half of all families rely on the
earnings of two parents and in more than 20 percent of all families a
single mother is the primary breadwinner. Seventy percent of families
with kids include a working mother. And more and more of them, like me,
are moving into what I call “the squeezed generation,” caring for both
kids and our own aging parents.
Welcome to A Woman’s Nation
As you’ll read in this report, women have now taken their place as
powerhouses driving the economy. Consider this: Today, women now earn
60 percent of the college degrees awarded each year and fully half of
the Ph.D.s and the professional degrees. Almost 40 percent of working
women hold managerial and other professional positions. Women make 80
percent of the buying decisions in American homes. Companies led by
women generally are proving to have healthier bottom lines.
It’s a transformational moment in our history—much as the opening of
the West, industrialization, the great 1960s civil rights campaigns,
and the flowering of the Internet age have all irrevocably altered the
fabric of American life. With working women now the New Normal,
striving and succeeding in areas where they never have before, so many
assumptions and underpinnings of our society are cracking open. The
rumbling is shaking the ground in every corner of the culture, and many
women and men are struggling to get their footing. The effect on every
sector of our society will be deep, wide, and profound. We hope this
report will help us all come up to speed and begin a national
conversation about how our institutions need to adapt to the unfolding
of A Woman’s Nation.
To take the pulse of Americans—their realities and their
expectations, their hopes and dreams—I put back on my journalist’s hat
and together with our team crisscrossed the country holding
conversations with an array of women and men on the frontlines of this
new American revolution. In addition, the Rockefeller Foundation, in
collaboration with Time magazine, commissioned a nationwide poll of
3,413 men and women to substantiate what we were hearing on the ground
and flesh out the academic research.
Together, the results of these efforts provide a fascinating window
into the changing American landscape. What we heard loud and clear is
that the Battle Between the Sexes is over. It was a draw. Now we’re
engaged in Negotiation Between the Sexes.
Virtually all married couples told the pollsters they’re negotiating
the rules of their relationships, work, and family. An overwhelming
majority of both men and women said they’re sitting down at their
kitchen tables to coordinate their family’s schedules, duties, and
responsibilities, including child care and elder care, at least two to
three times a week. Men said it was more like every day!
Indeed, during my conversation with powerful businesswomen on the
West Coast, one told me she and her husband “are constantly
renegotiating our agreement about what gets done, who does it—or do we
hire somebody as opposed to doing it ourselves.” And a man in Seattle
told me he and his wife have to work out “who’s gonna take care of the
light bill? Who’s gonna pay for the mortgage? It doesn’t matter who’s
bringing the money in. The money is coming in, but decisions have to be
made about how the money is going out.”
In the Rockefeller/Time poll, more than three-quarters of both men
and women agreed that the increased participation of women in the
workforce is a positive change for society. Both sexes also agreed that
men are becoming more financially dependent on women. And both women
and men said they’re still adjusting their lives, their expectations,
and their assumptions to the change.
The findings matched what I heard in the street. Everywhere I went,
people talked to me about how overstressed and in crisis they feel,
especially when it comes to financial security. Women said that never
before has so much been asked of them, and never have they delivered so
much. Divorced mothers talked to me about trying to make do without
child support. One single mother who had just lost her job told me she
was utterly dependent on her family and friends just to stay afloat.
Men are feeling out of sorts and stressed-out as well. One man said
to me, “We’ve been in our comfort zone. We’re men! We bring the money
to the house! As soon as women start working, they’re bursting our
bubbles and basically doing our job. Doing it better, in some cases.”
The men who were polled said that compared to their fathers, they’re
much more accepting of women working outside the home. But they’re
still looking for a playbook. Here’s an exchange from Seattle:
Maria: Is there a revolution going on about what it means to be a man, what are the rules of manhood today?
Mike: Yes, but it wasn’t started by us!
In fact, many Americans feel disoriented. The African American owner
of an automotive parts company in Detroit told me, “Nothing in business
school prepared me to deal with the problems I’m having.” He said he
has trouble sleeping at night. He’s had to reduce his workforce by
two-thirds, and employees are asking for pay cuts instead of layoffs.
Female employees want help with child care or time off to tend to sick
grandparents. “Men are conditioned to be problem-solvers,” he explained
to me. “I solve my own problems. Well, today, the problems that are out
there are very difficult to solve.”
And very difficult to adapt to, according to some men we met. One
told me, “It used to be really easy. You’d go into all these kinds of
arenas where there were just guys. The military, the firehouse, the
police station, the law firm, everywhere you went. And the big change,
of course, is that women are now in every one of those arenas. The
dilemma for women has often been, ‘How do I be those things that are
called masculine, like confident and assertive and ambitious, and still
be a woman?’ And for men now, everywhere we go, there’s women. And some
guys sort of feel like, ‘Oh my God, women have invaded!’”
And more and more often, a woman is the boss. One 55-year-old man
told me, “In the olden days, women used their sexuality in the
workplace, because they were looking for a husband to support them. Now
the women have power.” Intriguingly, though, the poll shows that women
find it much harder to work for female bosses than men do.
And women often define that power differently from men. One woman
who had made it to CEO chose to give up the corner office and downgrade
to a lower-rung position. She told me, “I will admit, it was fun, it
was power, and I was dealing with a bunch of top dogs. But now I get to
hang out with my kids when they come home from school. For me the
definition of success is not being a CEO and not being the biggest dog
and frankly not making the most money. It’s living a balanced life.”
In fact, talk to women, and you hear a lot about the search for “a
balanced life.” More and more of them say if they could, they’d like to
leave companies that are unresponsive and start their own businesses.
Many of them do. In fact, the number of women working for themselves
doubled between 1979 and 2003, so that women make up 35 percent of all
self-employed people. Growth in the number of women-owned businesses is
significantly higher than the growth in the overall business sector:
The number of women-owned businesses is growing at a rate of almost 23
percent, 2½ times faster than the growth in the number of total
businesses.
One female corporate executive told me, “Women don’t need equal pay.
They actually need to be paid more, because the fact of the matter is
that we typically are responsible for more within our families, and we
have to pay to outsource more. Most of the men I have competed with for
positions have had a stay-home wife at some point and many have had a
wife throughout their entire marriage.”
But other women countered that it’s not up to employers to help with
flex time or child care money. “If I’m doing the same amount of work as
men, I want the same compensation. It’s up to me figure out if I want
to spend it on child care.”
In 2009, these aren’t just women’s issues anymore. An overwhelming
majority of both sexes believe the structure of the modern workplace
isn’t meeting people’s needs. A preponderance of both men and women
told the pollsters that if businesses fail to adapt to the needs of
modern families, they risk losing good workers. Still, too many women
and men who were polled said there were occasions when they wanted to
take off from work to care for a child, but were unable to do so. In
fact, women reported actually being afraid to ask for time off for
caregiving. And large majorities of both sexes agreed that businesses
should be required to provide paid family and medical leave for every
worker who needs it.
Many of the highly successful women I spoke to worried about women
who had made it big and then got beat up in the media. They talked
about the outright sexism they’ve seen hurled at high-profile women
such as Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin, Katie Couric and Barbara
Walters, Carly Fiorina and Martha Stewart. They question whether the
climb all the way to the very top is even worth it.
Another hint that there’s still plenty of underlying sexism: Women
told me that male co-workers ask them all the time to give pep talks to
their daughters, but never to their wives. They marveled, “They want us
to inspire their girls to great achievement, but don’t you go giving
their wives any big ideas!”
In fact, the poll shows that a substantial majority of women feel
that men resent women who have more power than they do. Yet wherever I
went, I was surprised how open men were to sharing their bafflement
about what women want—and their own insecurities about what’s expected
of them.
“All of us grew up thinking this was a man’s world, that doors were
just gonna open to us because we had a Y chromosome,” a Seattle man
told me. “And suddenly, we have to adjust to the fact that that’s not
the case. And the recession has made it even more intense for us. So
every family is trying to figure out what does it mean that we’re both
working or that I’m laid off and you’re working? We haven’t thrown some
switch to go from a man’s world to a woman’s world. It’s more like
we’re finally, for the first time, in a position where it’s no longer
only a man’s world. Now what does that mean?”
Good question. What does it mean, especially in families where wives
are suddenly the primary providers? Those stories moved me. One man
told me, “My wife makes about three times what I make, and that has
been challenging to me. I was raised very traditionally. The masculine
partner took the lead or was supposed to.”
Some men talked about reinventing themselves. I met a stay-at-home
father who says he’s coming to terms with shuttling the kids around and
being supported by his wife. “It’s confusing. Am I turning into not
enough of a man? It just all depends how it’s defined in your own
family. So if I’m enough of a man to them, that’s all that matters.”
Another father told me, “It’s role reversal a little bit. I have
dinner ready. I do the grocery shopping. I do laundry. She works harder
than I ever did.” And what about his wife? She’s worried about their
daughter, because “I feel like I’m not there as much for her as I ought
to be. I do have some regrets.” In fact, the men and women who were
polled both said they’re concerned about the effect of both parents
working and raising children without a stay-at-home parent.
With all the change and insecurity, women overwhelmingly told the
pollsters that religious faith is important to them in general for help
getting through. And men report seeking connectedness through talking
and listening to other men—on the Internet, on sports radio, in church
groups.
Is there any group that doesn’t feel like fish out of water? I was
relieved to discover during my travels that many younger couples aren’t
so wedded to old stereotypes. When one twenty-something woman’s live-in
boyfriend lost his job in Detroit, she told me, “The expectation was
that we would just pull together and figure it out. People from my
generation just expect women to work.” And I was glad that so many
young men starting out today have a whole new sensibility about
fatherhood. They told me they just expect to be active in their
children’s lives and help out at home, and they want it that way.
For some, of course, women as primary breadwinners is old news,
especially among Latinos and African Americans. Said one black man,
“When I see a strong woman, I’m actually more attracted to that,
because that represents the women I was raised with.” And a Hispanic
single mother in Los Angeles said, “My mother taught me to work and be
successful and not depend on a guy for all the things that I need.” Gay
couples aren’t following old stereotypes either. One lesbian partner
told us, “When we go to soccer and back-to-school night, usually we are
the ones where both parents are there. We don’t have gender rules, so
we’ve always joked, ‘Who’s gonna be the husband tonight and take out
the trash?’ ”
And marriages where the partners have adapted to the new realities
seem to be stronger. As you’ll read in this report, research shows that
women are more sexually attracted to men who do more work around the
house. And since a big predictor of a husband’s satisfaction is how
often he has sex, maybe all that kitchen-table negotiating and
communicating about who does what around the house is having a good
effect on the institution of marriage.
Within this huge shift, there will always be some who blame
society’s current ills on the very fact that so many women have gone to
work and aren’t staying at home with the children anymore. They point
to high school dropout rates, teen pregnancies, and the millions of
latchkey kids. They see those as women’s issues. But most of the people
we spoke to don’t feel that way. They feel the care and nurturing of
children isn’t just a women’s issue anymore. These are family issues,
and they affect all of us. Families have moved beyond finger-pointing
to figure out how to confront these problems together. A union man in
Detroit put it this way: “I think the fact that our roles are changing
is just another way of us adapting to get the job done. We will do
whatever needs to be done. And we will do it well.”
More than four decades after President Kennedy’s Commission on the
Status of Women, we’ve learned that while there’s much to cheer about,
we still have a long way to go. Women still don’t make as much as men
do for the same jobs. Women still don’t make it to the top as often as
men. Families too often can’t get flex-time, child care, medical leave,
or paid family leave. The United States still is the only major
industrialized nation without comprehensive child care and family leave
policies. Insurance companies still often charge women more than men
for the exact same coverage. Women are still being punished by a tax
code designed when men were the sole breadwinners and women the sole
caregivers. Sexual violence against women remains a huge issue. Women
still are disproportionately affected by lack of health care services.
And lesbian couples and older women are among the poorest segment of
our society.
But so much has changed. Homemaking is no longer, as Margaret Mead
wrote back then, the “most generally approved” job for women. Women’s
expanding role in families, industry, the arts, government, politics,
and other institutions is altering the American landscape. Women are
learning they no longer have to shoehorn themselves into one stereotype
or another, but they can do so if they choose—or they can make it up as
they go along.
In 2009, women have more choices than they did 40 years ago. They
can choose to have kids with a partner, in a traditional marriage or
not. They can to stay childless, live as single parents, or choose a
same-sex partner. They can be like the single mothers who raised a
president of the United States and a brand-new Supreme Court justice.
They can be like Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin. They can be like
Diane Sawyer, Michelle Obama, Sandra Day O’Connor, or like Nancy
Pelosi, who spent the first half of her life staying home to raise five
children and then went on to become the first female Speaker of the
U.S. House of Representatives. Or anything else they can imagine.
It’s in this new world that I’m raising four children. I’m trying to
teach my boys to understand that the women in their lives will work and
will have independent minds. I’m trying to teach them not just how to
hold the door open, but how to do their own laundry and make their own
mac and cheese. I’m also trying to teach my girls how to advocate for
themselves, be smart about their finances—and to look not for a savior,
but a loving, supportive, open-minded partner.
Which brings me back to my mother.
In so many articles after my mother’s death, her brothers and
pundits were quoted as saying, “If only Eunice had been a man, she
could have been president!”
“If only.” My mother learned from that. Her call to those who faced
discrimination and the sting of rejection was to turn adversity into
action. “Use adversity to give your life purpose and mission,” she
said. “Turn your adversity into advantage and opportunity.” That’s what
she herself did, channeling her passion and outrage into changing the
world for people with intellectual disabilities. She used her
intelligence and her energy to improve the world—and that’s why she’s
alongside so many other extraordinary women, all agents of change, who
are immortalized in the Women’s Hall of Fame in Seneca Falls, New York.
My mother figured out how to be true to herself in the man’s world
she was in—and I believe her solution makes her a real role model for
today’s American woman. She mothered five kids who adored her, shared
the spotlight with her husband—and carved out a career for herself
impacting millions of lives for the better. Her message to women was,
“Don’t let society tame you or contain you.” Today, she could run for
president. And I believe she would win.
I know for sure if she were alive today, she’d say about this
report, “It’s about time!” She’d get her hands on a hundred copies and
send them to friends. She’d make bookstores put it in the window. She’d
make sure every office on Capitol Hill had a copy, whether they wanted
one or not. And when I’d say, “Mummy, calm down! This is just the first
step,” she’d say, “Well, when’s the next step? Take that step, Maria,
and take it now!”
And we shall. As we move into this phase we’re calling a woman’s
nation, women can turn their pivotal role as wage-earners, as
consumers, as bosses, as opinion-shapers, as co-equal partners in
whatever we do into a potent force for change. Emergent economic power
gives women a new seat at the table—at the head of the table.
Back in 1960, President Kennedy talked about the torch being passed
to “a new generation.” Well, five decades later, the torch is being
passed . . . to a new gender. There’s no doubt in my mind that we women
will lift that torch. We will carry it. And we will light a new way
forward.
For a brief moment in American history, women during World War II
accounted for more than one-third of the U.S. workforce as men streamed
into the armed forces to defeat our fascist enemies. This phenomenal
transformation of the U.S. economy was brief but its influence was
enduring. So many Americans can share “Rosie the Riveter” stories akin
to President Obama’s memories of tales about his grandmother working in
an arms manufacturing plant while his grandfather served in Europe with
General George Patton.
Today, the movement of women into the labor force is not just enduring
but certifiably revolutionary—perhaps the greatest social
transformation of our time. Women are more likely to work outside the
home and their earnings are more important to family well-being than
ever before in our nation’s history. This transformation changes
everything. At the most profound level, it changes the rules of what it
means to be a woman—and what it means to be a man. Women are now
increasingly sharing the role of breadwinner, as well as the role of
caregiver, with the men in their lives. Even so, we have yet to come to
terms with what it means to live in a nation where both men and women
typically work outside the home and what we need to do to make this new
reality workable for families who have child care and elder care
responsibilities through most of their working lives.
Indeed, the transformation in how women spend their days affects nearly
every aspect of our daily lives. As women move into the labor force,
their earnings are increasingly important to families and women more
and more become the major breadwinner—even though women continue to be
paid 23 cents less than men for every dollar earned in our economy.
Nearly 4 in 10 mothers (39.3 percent) are primary breadwinners,
bringing home the majority of the family’s earnings, and nearly
two-thirds (62.8 percent) are breadwinners or co-breadwinners, bringing
home at least a quarter of the family’s earnings. What’s more, women
are now much more likely to head families on their own.
These gains are by no means an unqualified victory for women in the
workforce and in society, or for their families. Most women today are
providing for their families by working outside the home—and still
earning less than men—while providing more than their fair share of
caregiving responsibilities inside the home, an increasingly impossible
task. At home, families cope with this day-to-day time squeeze in a
variety of unsatisfactory ways. In most families today, there’s no one
who stays at home all day and so there’s no one with the time to
prepare dinner, be home when the kids get back from school, or deal
with the little things of everyday life, such as accepting a UPS
package or getting the refrigerator repaired. Instead of having Mom at
home keeping her eye on the children after school, families face the
challenge of watching over their latchkey kids from afar and worry
about what their teenagers are doing after school.
Yet the flip side is this: The presence of women is now commonplace in
all kinds of workplaces and many are in positions of authority.
Millions of workers now have a female boss and the more collaborative
management styles that many women bring to the workplace are improving
the bottom line. Increasingly, businesses are recognizing that most of
their labor force has some kind of family care responsibility, and
therefore are creating flexible workplace policies to deal with this
reality. Many of the fastest-growing jobs replace the work women used
to do for free in the home. The demand for home health aides, child
care workers, and food service workers, for instance, has increased
sharply.
Social patterns also are changing, and rapidly so. With women now
half of all workers on U.S. payrolls, there is no longer a standard
timeline for marriage and raising a family—if women even choose to
marry or have children. The assisted reproductive technologies industry
has blossomed as women—especially professional women—invest in their
careers and delay motherhood into their 30s and 40s. And the share of
women who are unmarried has skyrocketed: 40 percent of women over age
25 are now unmarried and a record 40 percent of children born in 2007
had an unmarried mother.3 While divorce rates have fallen, many women
delay and some never even enter marriage.
This transformation also boasts profound implications for communities
around the nation. In schools and religious and community
organizations, women are now less available to volunteer during the
work week and have less time to devote to leading community
organizations. The transformation affects our health care system, too,
since health care providers have to cope with the fact that there is
not likely to be someone to provide free, at-home care for a recovering
patient.
And it affects our quality of life. Many retail stores, restaurants,
and consumer support lines are now open 24 hours a day, seven days a
week, which meets the needs of families with 9-to-5 work hours. But
this has meant that millions of other families—disproportionately
immigrants and lower-income families—have workers employed during
nonstandard hours, affecting their marriages and their ability to
access child care and other supports not generally available at
nonstandard times.
Quite simply, as women go to work, everything changes. Yet, we, as a
nation, have not yet digested what this all means and what changes are
still to be made. But change we must, especially as the current
recession amplifies and accelerates these trends throughout our economy
and society. The Great Recession led to massive job losses, especially
within male-dominated industries. Since the recession began in December
2007, men have accounted for three out of every four jobs lost (73.6
percent) and now 2 million wives are supporting their families while
their unemployed husbands seek work.
Women now, for the first time, make up half (49.9 percent as of July
2009) of all workers on U.S. payrolls. This is a dramatic change from
just over a generation ago: In 1969, women made up only a third of the
workforce (35.3 percent).
Many American women have always worked, of course, but as more women
joined the ranks of the employed and laws prohibiting outright
discrimination came into effect, a wider array of opportunities opened
up to women. By 2008, a working mother is no longer revolutionary and
is in fact now common: Only one in five families with children (20.7
percent) are the traditional male breadwinner, female homemaker,
compared to 44.7 percent in 1975. That year, 4 in 10 mothers with a
child under age 6 (39.6 percent) worked outside the home, but by 2008,
that share had risen to two-thirds (64.3 percent).
To understand what it means for women to become breadwinners, this
chapter focuses on who’s gone to work, where women are working, why
they are working, and what this means for the economic well-being of
women and their families. While women have made great strides and are
now more likely to be economically responsible for themselves and their
families, there is still a long way to go. Equity in the workplace has
not yet been achieved, even as families need women’s equality now more
than ever.
Four decades ago, President Richard Nixon famously declared that
universal child care would have “family-weakening implications” that
“would commit the vast moral authority of the federal government to the
side of communal approaches to child rearing over the family-centered
approach.” Wielding his veto pen, he blocked what became the last best
chance for decades for the federal government to support working moms
and dads trying to raise their children and earn a living at the same
time.
Back in the early 1970s, Nixon and Congress looked at the 52 percent of
so-called “traditional” families in the country (families with children
still at home consisting of a married couple in which only the husband
works outside the home) and saw decidedly different social and economic
forces at work. As women entered the workforce in droves during the
1970s, the number of “traditional” families immediately began to
plummet—by 1975, it was already down to 45 percent of families with
children.
Today, there’s no mistaking the trend—only 21 percent of families with
children at home are “traditional” families. How do the other 79
percent of families working and raising children—the so-called “juggler
families”—handle child care? How do these families cope with sick
children and relatives or elderly parents in need of care?
Well, ask just about any mom or dad and they will tell you they mix
and match caring and earning as best they can in workplaces designed
decades ago around a worker who relied on a full-time homemaker to care
for the young and the infirm and had no responsibility for caring for
family members. This is no way to run an economy and to care for the
next generation of Americans and those who built what our country is
today.
Political leaders talk about “family values,” but too often real
reforms are set aside when it comes time to draw up the federal budget
or do the heavy legislative lifting to ensure that women and men can
raise their children, care for their elders, and continue to earn the
incomes they need to survive and thrive in today’s economy. Women, of
course, are no longer the sole providers of care for the family, just
as men are no longer the sole providers of the family income. Yet the
federal government has not updated its policies to aid families in
navigating this new reality.
Too many of our government policies—from our basic labor standards to
our social insurance system—are still rooted in the fundamental
assumption that families typically rely on a single breadwinner and
that there is someone available to care for the young, the aged, and
the infirm while the breadwinner is at work. But now that there are
decidedly fewer “traditional families” and women comprise half of the
workers on U.S. payrolls, we need to reevaluate the values and
assumptions underlying our nation’s workplace policies to ensure that
they reflect the actual—not outdated or imagined—ways that families
work and care today.
Up until now, government policymakers focused on supporting women’s
entry into a male-oriented workforce on par with men—a workplace where
policies on hours, pay, benefits, and leave time were designed around
male breadwinners with presumably no family caregiving
responsibilities. Seeking equal opportunity in this workplace was
critical, of course. Women could have never become half of all workers
and entered previously male-dominated professions without Title VII of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited sex discrimination in
employment, and was amended by the Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978
to ensure that a woman couldn’t be fired simply because she was having
a child. And while women still have a long way to go to receive equal
pay for equal work, the Equal Pay Act of 1963 certainly helped narrow
the wage gap and increase women’s economic stability.
But allowing women to play by the same rules as the single male
breadwinner worker of yore is not enough. Too many workers—especially
women and low-wage workers—today simply cannot work in the way the
breadwinner once worked with a steady job and lifelong marriage with a
wife at home. Today, not only are half of all U.S. workers female, but
our families are no longer static. The marriage rate is currently at
the lowest point in its recorded history. And while the divorce rate is
down, it is still significant. More than one in three families with
children is headed by a single parent. There are approximately 770,000
same-sex couples living in the United States, 20 percent of whom are
raising children. Yet there has been limited action at the federal
level to update our workplace policies or create new policies to help
working parents and their varied families—and not for lack of debate.
The notable exception is the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993,
but even it only allows 12 weeks of unpaid job-protected family or
medical leave to approximately half of all workers in the United
States. Our federal government does not require employers to offer a
minimum number of paid days off. Nor does it require or even
incentivize employers to provide flexible work arrangements. Our child
care assistance is mostly aimed at the poor and even that assistance
reaches too few families. Both our basic labor standards and our social
insurance system are still based on supporting “traditional” workers
and families and so do not accord protection to workers who must cut
back on work to care for family members.
Tackling these challenges isn’t going to be easy. For some,
acknowledging that most women work challenges deeply held beliefs about
what it means to be family and the “appropriate” roles for men and
women. In a recent congressional debate over whether the federal
government should provide paid parental leave to all new parents,
Representative Darrell Issa (R-CA) implied that men do not need
additional paid time off for family leave and that only mothers do
immediately after the birth of a child, even though fathers report that
they want to spend more time with their children and that they are
experiencing high levels of work-family conflict.
This report demonstrates that women becoming half of all workers and
mothers becoming breadwinners is not a woman’s issue—it’s an issue that
affects our entire society. This chapter suggests that a fruitful way
for government to address this new economic and social reality would be
to reform our existing laws by:
Updating our basic labor standards to include family-friendly employee benefits
Reforming
our anti-discrimination laws so that employers cannot discriminate
against or disproportionately exclude women when offering workplace
benefits
Updating our social insurance system to the
reality of varied families and new family responsibilities, including
the need for paid family leave and social security retirement benefits
that take into account time spent out of the workforce caring for
children and other relatives
Increasing support to
families for child care, early education, and elder care to help
working parents cope with their dual responsibilities
Updating these government policies so that they account for the
reality of the overwhelming majority of today’s workers and families is
the challenge we address in the pages that follow.
We women have been having conversations since the birth of this
nation. We know when it’s time for a conversation to begin. Expressing
ourselves as women, expressing ourselves as people of success and power
and influence, it reminds me of a convention held in Akron, Ohio in
1852, where Sojourner Truth, a former slave whom I consider one of my
great mentors, gathered together suffragettes asking, pleading, and
fighting for the right to vote. Sojourner Truth, a proud, six-foot-tall
Amazon-like figure, walked up to the podium and said:
Well, children, where there is so much racket, there must be
something out of kilter. I think that ’twixt the negroes of the South
and the women at the North, all talking about rights, the white men
will be in a fix pretty soon. But what’s all this here talking about?
If the first woman God ever made was strong enough to turn the world
upside down all alone, these women together ought to be able to turn it
back, and get it right-side up again!
Those are the words of Sojourner Truth, who believed that without
media, without mass marketing, without any social programs, women
joined together had the possibility of turning the world right-side up.
Now, in 2009, there’s so much racket again. Today, it’s about women
becoming half of all the American workers, about making more money than
men, about what men think about this, and about what our families, our
government, and our politicians, bosses, clergy, and aging parents are
going to do. Men and women, families of all kinds, are negotiating
about household responsibilities, child care, work, and sex. There’s a
lot of noise going on in this country and in this report about what it
means to live in a woman’s nation.
It seems to me it’s an important conversation to have. Are our
political, government, faith, and media leaders out of touch with the
realities of how most families live and work today, just like they were
out of touch in the day of Soujourner Truth? Some might say our nation
has now been turned right-side up, but no one seems to recognize this
outside of the families living and working every day. There is
something a-kilter.
Where do we go from here? One thing is for sure: Women have a new
kind of power in the workplace, in the marketplace, in the boardroom,
and in the bedroom. Women have as many definitions of power as there
are women to use it.
Forget the idea that being powerful is about how rich or important
you are, or whether or not you get your own coffee in the morning. What
I find powerful is a person with grace, with courage, with the
confidence to be her own self and to make things happen. We have earned
the right to celebrate the kind of power that isn’t about landing the
corner office, but about stoking an internal fire.
For me, there is no real power without spiritual power. A power that
comes from the core of who you are and reflects all that you were meant
to be. A power that’s connected to the source of things. When you see
this kind of power shining through someone in all its truth and
certainty, it’s irresistible, inspiring, elevating. I can feel it in
myself sometimes, mostly when I’m sharing an insight that I know will
have an impact on someone’s life and I can see that they “get it.” I
get real joy from helping other people experience those “aha” moments.
That is where my power lies.
“When we align our thoughts, emotions, and actions with the highest
part of ourselves, we are filled with enthusiasm, purpose, and
meaning,” writes Gary Zukav in his best-selling book The Seat of the
Soul. “When the personality comes fully to serve the energy of its
soul, that is authentic empowerment.”
Fulfilling your purpose with meaning is what gives you that
electrifying “juice” and makes people stand in wonder at how you do it.
The secret is alignment: when you know for sure that you’re on course
and doing exactly what you’re supposed to be doing, fulfilling your
soul’s intention, your heart’s desire, or whatever you choose to call
it (they’re all the same thing). When your life is on course with its
purpose, you are your most powerful. And you may stumble, but you will
not fall.
I know for sure that in every challenging experience there’s an
opportunity to grow, enhance your life, or learn something invaluable
about yourself. Every challenge can make you stronger if you allow it.
Strength multiplied equals power.
We have the power as women, as families, as a nation to rise to the
challenges of our time. To hear each other out. To talk it out. To let
the conversation begin. Together, we ought to be able to “turn it back,
and get it right-side up again!”
The New Breadwinners By Heather Boushey Women now account for half of all jobs, with sweeping consequences for our nation’s economy, society, and future prosperity
Essays
When Will We Know? By Heidi Hartmann That’s Right, Women Are Wiser By Giovanna Negretti
Government
Family Friendly for All Families By Ann O’Leary and Karen Kornbluh Workers and caregivers need government policies that reflect today’s realities
Essays
“In Blood and Spirit” By Colonel Maritza Sáenz Ryan Tested and Proven By Tammy Duckworth
Immigrants
Invisible yet Essential By Maria Echaveste Immigrant women in America
Essays
“Con là trúng cua Me” (“I am my mother’s daughter”) By Gianna Le
Health
Sick and Tired By Jessica Arons and Dorothy Roberts Working women and their health
Essays
Women’s Sports, Women’s Health By Billie Jean King Ending Violence By Lynn Rosenthal
Education
Better Educating Our New Breadwinners By Mary Ann Mason Creating opportunities for all women to succeed in the workforce
Essays
Must Jill Come Tumbling After? By Delaine Eastin Don’t Make This Bridge Our Back By Malika Sada Saar
Business
Got Talent? It Isn’t Hard to Find By Brad Harrington and Jamie J. Ladge Recognizing and rewarding the value women create in the workplace
Essays
Money Matters By Suze Orman A Woman’s Place Is In Her Union By Arlene Holt Baker Moms Rising By Kristin Rowe-Finkbeiner
Faith
The Challenge of Faith By Kimberly Morgan and Sally Steenland Bringing spiritual sustenance to busy lives
Essays
Life’s Teachers By Patricia Kempthorne Goals and Values By Anna Deavere Smith Lusty By Miriam W. Yeung
Media
Where Have You Gone, Roseanne Barr? By Susan J. Douglas The media rarely portray women as they really are, as everyday breadwinners and caregivers
Essays
Sexy Socialization By Stacy L. Smith, Cynthia Kennard, and Amy D. Granados A Second, Quiet Revolution By Dan Mulhern
Men
Has a Man’s World Become a Woman’s Nation? By Michael Kimmel
Essays
Our Fathers—Teaching Us to Soar By Sukhinder Singh Cassidy
A Man's Viewpoint
Genders Full of Question Marks By Jamal Simmons Men and women both struggle to answer new questions
Essays
Suddenly a Single Father By Matt Logelin
Marriage
Sharing the Load By Stephanie Coontz Quality marriages today depend on couples sharing domestic work
Essays
Single in a Marriage-Centered World By Page Gardner
A Woman’s Viewpoint
Transcending 9 to 5 By Courtney E. Martin How American women and men are reworking our country
The Latest from the American People
Battle of the Sexes Gives Way to Negotiations By John Halpin and Ruy Teixeira, with Susan Pinkus and Kelly Daley Americans welcome women workers, want new deal to support how we now work and live today
Maria Shriver is First Lady of California, an award-winning
journalist and producer, best-selling author and mother of four. As
First Lady, Shriver has created groundbreaking programs and initiatives
that empower people to become “architects of change” in their own lives
and in the lives of others. Shriver has used her voice to advocate on
behalf of women, the working poor, the intellectually disabled and
families like hers who are struggling with Alzheimer’s disease.
Under Shriver’s leadership, The Women’s Conference has grown into
the nation’s premier forum for women, annually uniting more than 100
internationally acclaimed leaders and visionaries with 20,000 women
from all walks of life to share enriching stories of transformation and
success, inspirational life lessons, practical tips and life-changing
tools. The Women’s Conference expanded in 2009 to two full days. In
2004, Shriver created The Minerva Awards—named after the goddess
Minerva on the California State Seal who epitomizes courage, wisdom,
and strength—given annually at the conference to recognize and reward
the achievements of women who make extraordinary contributions to their
communities and the state. To extend the reach of the conference,
Shriver also launched a dynamic online community at
WomensConference.org with the goal of providing a daily gathering place
for women everywhere to become architects of change.
With a career in journalism spanning more than two decades, Shriver
has been a network news correspondent and anchor for CBS and NBC,
winning Peabody and Emmy Awards. She is the author of six New York
Times best-selling books. She recently executive produced HBO’s “The
Alzheimer’s Project,” an Emmy Award-winning four-part documentary
series that took a close look at cutting-edge work being done in the
country’s leading Alzheimer’s laboratories and examined the effects of
this disease on patients and families. Shriver is a graduate of
Georgetown University, with a degree in American Studies.
Heather Boushey is senior economist at the Center for
American Progress. Boushey studies working families and trends in the
U.S. labor market. She has written extensively on labor issues,
including tracking the recession and its impact on workers and their
families, women’s labor force participation, trends in income
inequality, and work-family policy issues. She has testified for
Congress and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission about issues
facing working families in this recession.
Prior to joining the Center, Boushey was a senior economist with the
Joint Economic Committee of the U.S. Congress. She was formerly a
senior economist with the Center for Economic and Policy Research.
Boushey received her Ph.D. in economics from the New School for Social
Research and her bachelor’s degree from Hampshire College.
Ann O’Leary is a senior rellow at American Progress and is
the executive director of the Berkeley Center for Health, Economic
& Family Security at University of California, Berkeley, School of
Law. CHEFS’ mission is to develop and advance creative solutions to
address the economic risks faced by working Americans, with a focus on
improving access to health care, developing better protections for
workers who are voluntarily or involuntarily on leave from their jobs,
and supporting working parents in a flexible workplace.
O’Leary previously served as a deputy city attorney for the City of
San Francisco and clerked for the Honorable John T. Noonan Jr. on the
Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. From 2001 through 2003, she served as
legislative director for then-Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, and from
1994 through 2000 she served in a number of positions in the Clinton
administration, including as special assistant to the president on the
Domestic Policy Council and as senior policy advisor to the deputy
secretary of education. O’Leary received her bachelor’s degree from
Mount Holyoke College, her master’s degree from Stanford University,
and her law degree from UC Berkeley School of Law.
Karen Skelton is the executive co-producer and program
director for the California Governor and First Lady’s Women’s
Conference, managing all aspects of programming for the world’s premier
live event for women. She founded the California office of the Dewey
Square Group, one of the country’s leading public affairs firms,
growing this multimillion dollar consulting practice from the ground
up—specializing in political strategies and communications, energy and
environmental policy, and government relations.
Skelton previously worked in the White House during the Clinton
administration on the political staff and as a member of the defense
team that argued against the impeachment of the president of the United
States. Skelton served as the first director of political affairs for
then-Vice President Al Gore, initiating and managing his first national
political program in preparation for his 2000 election campaign. As a
lawyer, Skelton prosecuted criminal cases at the U.S. Department of
Justice as a special assistant U.S. attorney, and as a trial lawyer in
the Division of Environmental Enforcement. She was named chief counsel
of the Federal Highway Administration in January 1999. Skelton received
her bachelor’s degree with honors in English from UCLA, a master’s from
Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government, and her J.D. from the
University of California, Berkeley School of Law. She currently serves
on the boards of the California Arts Council and the UC Berkeley
Institute for Governmental Studies.
Ed Paisley is vice president for editorial at the Center for
American Progress. He is a 20-year veteran of business and finance
journalism who joined the Center after successfully launching the
specialist Wall Street print and Web publication The Deal as its
managing editor. At The Deal, he was also responsible for the
publication’s award-winning coverage of technology finance and
international finance.
Before moving to New York to launch The Deal in 1999, Paisley spent
a decade in East Asia as an editor and journalist covering business,
finance, and politics for the Far Eastern Economic Review and
Institutional Investor magazine. Prior to that, he worked for American
Banker newspaper in Washington, DC, covering domestic and international
financial regulation. Paisley earned a master’s degree in East Asian
history from Georgetown University in 1984 and a bachelor’s degree in
American studies from George Mason University in 1982.
Laura Nichols is a senior fellow at the Center for American
Progress and a member of the Center’s executive team. As one of the
original architects of American Progress, she has contributed to
building the institution, overseeing the construction of its
communications operations, and leading its strategic planning since its
founding in 2003. As senior fellow, she contributes to the Center’s new
media efforts and serves as a liaison to the progressive community,
donors, and Capitol Hill. She is also a partner in First Tuesday Media,
a media company based in Los Angeles that organizes the entertainment
industry to produce political and advocacy media.
Nichols spent eight years as advisor, strategist, and spokesperson
for former House Democratic Leader Richard Gephardt. In those roles,
she served as Gephardt’s spokesperson and was responsible for
developing and managing communications strategies on a wide variety of
policy issues for House Democrats. Nichols also served as press
secretary to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and former
U.S. House Rep. Vic Fazio. She began her career in politics as the Iowa
press secretary in 1988 for Gephardt’s presidential campaign. Nichols
is a graduate of the University of Missouri.
Leslie Miller is the co-executive director of “A Woman’s
Nation” project. She created, built, and managed the cultural
components, media partnerships, and national reach of The Shriver
Report. She is a veteran communications and political strategist and
has worked for some of the most respected and high-profile
organizations around the globe, including being a part of a senior
communications team with the Obama presidential campaign.
Prior to joining the campaign, Miller led the Dewey Square Group’s
California practice in San Francisco for six years, where she
specialized in government affairs and was strategic communications
counsel. While there, Miller advised Fortune 500 companies and national
foundations to develop internal community affairs programs and external
affairs plans, and was a co-strategist in developing a bipartisan
organization focused on transforming the political process in
California. Miller also is a former producer for NBC News in
Washington, DC. She covered the 1996 and 1998 elections, Congress, and
the Clinton administration. Miller received her bachelor’s degree from
the University of California, Berkeley, and resides in California.
Chapter Contributors
Jessica Arons is the director of the Women’s Health and
Rights Program at American Progress and a member of the Faith and
Progressive Policy Initiative. Prior to joining American Progress, she
worked at the ACLU Reproductive Freedom Project, the labor and
employment law firm of James & Hoffman, the Supreme Court of
Virginia, the White House, and the 1996 Pennsylvania Democratic
Coordinated Campaign. She currently serves on the boards of the DC
Abortion Fund and the ACLU of Virginia. Arons is an honors graduate of
Brown University and the William & Mary School of Law.
Stephanie Coontz teaches history and family studies at The
Evergreen State College in Olympia, WA, and is director of research and
public education for the Council on Contemporary Families, which she
chaired from 2001 to 2004. She is the author of several books,
including Marriage, A History: From Obedience to Intimacy, or How Love
Conquered Marriage (Viking Press, 2005) and The Way We Never Were:
American Families and the Nostalgia Trap (Basic Books, 1992 and 2000).
She recently completed a new book on the history of women from the
1920s through the 1960s and the impact of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine
Mystique (forthcoming 2010, Perseus Books). Coontz has testified about
her research before the House Select Committee on Children, Youth and
Families in Washington, DC, and addressed audiences across America,
Japan, and Europe. Coontz received her bachelor’s degree in American
History at the Honors Program at the University of California Berkeley
and her master’s degree in European History at the University of
Washington in Seattle.
Kelly Daley is a senior analyst at Abt SRBI, where she
specializes in survey questionnaire design and data analysis across a
variety of subject matters including public health, civic engagement,
and women’s studies. Prior to joining Abt SRBI, she was co-director of
the University of Chicago Survey Lab. She has been responsible for
multiple survey research projects, cognitive testing, pilot studies and
qualitative work including focus groups, observational field work, and
in-depth interviews. Daley holds a Ph.D. in sociology from the
University of Chicago and a master’s degree in policy studies from The
Johns Hopkins University. Her Ph.D. dissertation examined the impact of
the women’s movement and the sexual revolution on the attitudes and
behaviors of women who came of age prior to 1960. Prior to her graduate
studies, she worked with numerous San Francisco nonprofit organizations
to help improve access to health care and raise awareness of women’s
health issues.
Susan Douglas is the chair of the Department of Communication
Studies at the University of Michigan, as well as the Catherine Neafie
Kellogg Professor and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor of Communication
Studies. She is author of a number of books, including most recently
Enlightened Sexism: The Seductive Message That Feminism’s Work Is Done
(Henry Holt, forthcoming, March 2010), as well as The Mommy Myth: The
Idealization of Motherhood and How it Has Undermined Women (with
Meredith Michaels, The Free Press, 2004). Douglas received her
bachelor’s degree from Elmira College (Phi Beta Kappa) and her master’s
degree and Ph.D. from Brown University. She has lectured at colleges
and universities around the country and was the media critic for The
Progressive from 1992 to 1998.
Maria Echaveste joined University of California’s Berkeley
School of Law as a lecturer after co-founding a strategic and policy
consulting group, serving as a senior White House and U.S. Department
of Labor official, and working as a community leader and corporate
attorney. She is also a senior fellow with the Law School’s Chief
Justice Earl Warren Institute on Race, Ethnicity and Diversity. From
1998 to 2001, she served as assistant to the president and deputy chief
of staff to President Bill Clinton. Echaveste is also a non-resident
fellow of the Center for American Progress working on issues such as
immigration, civil rights, and education. She continues to provide
strategic and policy advice to a variety of corporate, non-profit and
union clients through her consulting firm, NVG, LLC. Echaveste received
a Bachelor of Arts in anthropology from Stanford University in 1976 in
1980, and her J.D. from the University of California, Berkeley.
John Halpin is a senior fellow at the Center for American
Progress focusing on political theory, communications, and public
opinion analysis. He is the co-director and creator of the Progressive
Studies Program at CAP, an interdisciplinary project researching the
intellectual history, foundational principles, and public understanding
of progressivism. Halpin is the co-author with John Podesta of The
Power of Progress: How America’s Progressives Can (Once Again) Save Our
Economy, Our Climate, and Our Country, a 2008 book about the history
and future of the progressive movement. Prior to joining CAP, he was a
senior associate at Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research, providing
strategic guidance and public opinion research for political parties
and candidates including Al Gore’s 2000 presidential campaign, the
British Labor Party, the Austrian Social Democrats, and a range of
congressional, state legislative, and initiative campaigns. Halpin
received his undergraduate degree from Georgetown University and his
master’s degree in political science from the University of Colorado,
Boulder.
Brad Harrington is the executive director of the Boston
College Center for Work & Family and an associate professor of
organization studies in the Carroll School of Management. Prior to his
arrival at Boston College, Harrington was an executive with
Hewlett-Packard Company for 20 years. His roles there included global
director of management and organization development, chief quality
officer and member of the executive committee for HP’s Medical Products
Business, and quality director for Hewlett-Packard United Kingdom,
Ltd., as well as a number of human resource management positions. Along
with Professor Douglas T. Hall of Boston University, he is the author
of Career Management & Work/Life Integration: Using Self-Assessment
to Navigate Contemporary Careers (Sage Publications, 2007). Harrington
holds a bachelor’s degree in business administration from Stonehill
College, a master’s degree in psychology from Boston College, and a
Ph.D. in human resource development and organization development from
Boston University.
Michael Kimmel is among the leading researchers and writers
on men and masculinity in the world today. A professor of sociology at
the State University of New York, Stony Brook, his many books include
The Politics of Manhood (1995), The Gender of Desire (2005), and The
History of Men (2005). His documentary history, Against the Tide:
Pro-Feminist Men in the United States, 1776-1990 (Beacon, 1992),
chronicled men who supported women’s equality since the founding of the
country. His most recent best-selling book, Guyland (HarperCollins,
2008), charts the emergence of a new stage of development among young
people. Kimmel consults regularly with non-governmental organizations,
corporations, and governments concerning men’s issues. He was in the
first coeducational class at Vassar College, where he received his
bachelor’s degree. He received his master’s degree at Brown and his
Ph.D. at the University of California Berkeley.
Karen Kornbluh was a visiting fellow at the Center for
American Progress working on environmental technology financing and
work-family policies when she wrote this chapter. Previously, she
served as policy director in then-Sen. Obama’s Senate office, beginning
in 2005. Prior to that, Kornbluh founded the Work and Family Program at
the New America Foundation, where she was also a Markle technology
fellow and published widely on the need to update government policies
for the new family and new economy. From 1994 to 1997, she filled
several roles at the Federal Communications Commission, including
assistant chief of the International Bureau, director of the Office of
Legislative and Intergovernmental Affairs, and deputy chief of the Mass
Media Bureau. Kornbluh received a master’s degree from Harvard
University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government and a bachelor’s
degree from Bryn Mawr College.
Jamie J. Ladge is a faculty member in the College of Business
at Northeastern University, where she teaches in the areas of
management and organizational development. Ladge is a faculty affiliate
of the Boston College Center for Work and Family and an Alfred P. Sloan
Work-Family Career Development Award Grantee for the 2009-2011 academic
years. Her primary research interests are at the intersection of
careers, identity, and work-life integration. Her most recent research
work has been published in academic journals such as Organizational
Dynamics, Journal of Vocational Behavior, and Negotiation and Conflict
Management Research Journal. She also has published a number of Harvard
Business School cases and was recently cited in a 2009 article in The
Wall Street Journal on parents re-entering the workplace. Ladge earned
her B.S. from Babson College, an M.B.A. from Simmons College, and an
M.S. and Ph.D. from Boston College.
Courtney E. Martin is the award-winning author of Perfect
Girls, Starving Daughters: How the Quest for Perfection is Harming
Young Women (Berkley Books, 2008). She is also a widely-read freelance
journalist and regular blogger for Feministing. She is a senior
correspondent for The American Prospect and her work has appeared in
The Washington Post, Newsweek, and The Christian Science Monitor, among
others. In addition, Martin consults with social justice organizations,
including the Ms. Foundation for Women, the National Council for
Research on Women, and the Bartos Institute for the Constructive
Engagement of Conflict. Martin has a master’s degree from the Gallatin
School at New York University in writing and social change and a
bachelor’s degree from Barnard College in political science and
sociology. She is a fellow of both the Woodhull Institute for Ethical
Leadership and the Women’s Media Center.
Kimberly Morgan is associate professor of political science
and international affairs at The George Washington University. She
received her Ph.D. in political science from Princeton University in
2001 and was a post-doctoral fellow at New York University and Yale
University before coming to George Washington. She teaches courses on
European politics, comparative politics, and comparative social policy.
In 2008-09, Morgan was a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars. Her book Working Mothers and the Welfare State:
Religion and the Politics of Work-Family Policies in Western Europe and
the United States was published in 2006 by Stanford University Press,
and her articles have appeared in numerous academic journals.
Currently, she and Massachusetts Institute of Technology Professor
Andrea Louise Campbell are completing a book titled The Delegated
Welfare State: Medicare, Markets, and the Governance of American Social
Policy (forthcoming, Oxford University Press).
Mary Ann Mason is currently professor and co-director of the
Berkeley Center on Health, Economic & Family Security at the
University of California Berkeley School of Law. Mason’s scholarship
spans working families, in particular the issues faced by the surging
numbers of professional women in law, medicine, science, and the
academic world. Her most recent book (co-authored with her daughter Eve
Mason Ekman) is Mothers on the Fast Track: How a New Generation Can
Balance Family and Careers (Oxford, 2007). Among her other books are
two major works on child custody, From Father’s Property to Children’s
Rights: The History of Child Custody in the United States (Columbia
University Press, 1994) and The Custody Wars: Why Children are Losing
the Legal Battle—and What We Can Do About It (Basic Books, 1999). Mason
received a bachelor’s degree cum laude from Vassar College, a Ph.D. in
American history from the University of Rochester, and a J.D. from the
University of San Francisco.
Susan H. Pinkus is the president of S.H. Pinkus Associates, a
public opinion company. She was previously director of the LATimes poll
at the Los Angeles Times. She is a past member of Executive Council of
American Association of Public Opinion Researchers and past president
of Pacific Chapter. She is also a member of the National Women’s Media
Foundation, the World Association for Public Opinion Research, and a
trustee on the National Council on Public Polls. She is on the Board of
Directors at the Roper Center and serves on the Journalism Advisory
Committee at SUNY Albany. Pinkus earned her bachelor’s degree at the
State University of New York at Albany, and completed post-graduate
work toward an MBA at City University of New York, Baruch College.
Dorothy Roberts is the Kirkland & Ellis Professor at
Northwestern University School of Law, with joint appointments in
African American Studies, Sociology, and the Institute for Policy
Research. She is author of the award-winning books Killing the Black
Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty (Vintage Books,
1998) and Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare (Basic Books,
2003), as well as six co-edited texts and more than 70 articles and
essays in books and scholarly journals, including Harvard Law Review,
Stanford Law Review, and Yale Law Journal. Roberts also serves on the
boards of directors of the Black Women’s Health Imperative, National
Coalition for Child Protection Reform, and Generations Ahead, as well
as on the executive committee of Cells to Society: The Center on Social
Disparities and Health, the Braam foster care oversight panel in
Washington State, and the Standards Working Group of the California
Institute for Regenerative Medicine. Roberts received a bachelor’s
degree from Yale College and a J.D. from Harvard Law School.
Jamal Simmons emerged from the 2008 election as one of the
new young voices in the world of political analysis. With an extensive
background in Democratic politics and international affairs, he was a
strong supporter of Barack Obama’s campaign and became a fixture on
CNN’s political coverage. Simmons is a principal at the Raben Group,
where he provides strategic and communications counsel to the firm’s
clients. Previously, Simmons was a senior aide to several Democratic
political campaigns and served as chief of staff to Rep. Carolyn Cheeks
Kilpatrick (D-MI), senior advisor to Sen. Max Cleland (D-GA), and as a
political appointee in the Clinton administration under U.S. Trade
Representative and Commerce Secretary Mickey Kantor. Simmons received
his bachelor’s degree from Morehouse College and his master’s in public
policy from the Kennedy School at Harvard University.
Sally Steenland is senior policy advisor to the Faith and
Progressive Policy Initiative at American Progress. In 2005, she
organized the Initiative’s “national conversations,” a series of
town-hall meetings and discussions across the country on pressing
issues of faith and policy. She guides the Initiative’s work on a
variety of policy issues, including faith and science, the role of
religion in the public square, diversity and tolerance, economics, the
environment, and cultural and social matters. Previously, Steenland was
deputy director of the National Commission on Working Women, where she
wrote major studies on women’s employment and women in the media and
directed projects involving women in nonprofessional jobs. Steenland
received a bachelor’s degree in English from Calvin College in Grand
Rapids, MI, and a master’s in education from Howard University.
Ruy Teixeira is a senior fellow at both the Century
Foundation and American Progress, where he co-directs the Progressive
Studies Program. He is the author or co-author of six books, including
Red, Blue and Purple America: The Future of Election Demographics
(Brookings Institution Press, 2008); The Emerging Democratic Majority
(Scribner, 2002); America’s Forgotten Majority: Why the White Working
Class Still Matters (Basic Books, 2000); and The Disappearing American
Voter (Brookings Institution Press, 1992), as well as hundreds of
articles, both scholarly and popular. Teixeira’s recent writings
include “New Progressive America,” “The Decline of the White Working
Class and the Rise of a Mass Upper Middle Class” (with Alan
Abramowitz), “The Politics of Definition” (with John Halpin), “Back to
the Future: The Emerging Democratic Majority Re-emerges” (with John
Judis), and the New Politics Institute reports, “The Next Frontier: A
New Study of Exurbia” and “The Progressive Politics of the Millennial
Generation.”